Assessing freedom of the press in Latin America

From left, journalists Claudia Lopez, Eli Bravo and Carlos F. Chamorro at the Baker Institute.

The media and government have a complex relationship. A few decades ago in Latin America, military dictatorships severely restricted freedom of expression by the press. Today, however, under democratic governments throughout the region, media censorship is more subtle and, in many cases, may go unnoticed by the general public.

In 21st century Latin America, free speech is undermined by the media itself, which — fearing reprisals from lawyers or even their own employers — may avoid reporting certain stories altogether. This self-censorship is one of the greatest threats to freedom of expression today. In many Latin American countries, such as Costa Rica and Chile, offenses such as libel and defamation have only recently become civil, rather than criminal, matters. In other countries, such as Argentina and Peru where some media is highly dependent on the government’s advertising dollars, media ownership and financing are issues that contribute to self-censorship.

At a recent panel of experts at the Baker Institute, three prominent journalists — Claudia López, from Colombia; Eli Bravo, from Venezuela; and Carlos Fernando Chamorro, from Nicaragua — shared their views on the hardships reporters face during these times of political transitions in the region. Their perspectives as journalists and political analysts provided great insight into the limitations of what is being reported by the press today.

Chamorro described how the private television channel where he worked in Nicaragua was recently bought by a private company whose board of directors included members of President Ortega’s family.

In Venezuela, Bravo explained, President Chavez’s government is the owner of community radios and newspapers, as well as national and international television, and, more recently, social media. Furthermore, the government is the sole grantor of the TV and radio waves concessions and licenses and has failed to renew licenses of stations that criticize the government. He also noted how recent changes in the law make reporting personally risky. Disrespect for the president could potentially land a journalist in prison for 10 to 15 years.

(Just last week, a Venezuelan journalist was sentenced to nearly four years in prison for defamation after writing columns accusing the local mayor of appointing relatives to city positions — a situation of “deep concern” to the Organization of American States. The Committee to Protect Journalists also reports that Venezuelan authorities have issued arrest warrants for Guillermo Zuloaga, president of the private critical broadcaster Globovisión, and his son on usury and conspiracy charges. This past spring, Zuloaga was detained on charges of spreading false news and offending President Chávez. He was released a few hours later but, if convicted, faces five years in jail.)

López made the important point of how in Colombia, as well as many other countries in the region, democracy is being threatened from within its democratic institutions. Her investigative reporting exposed the influence the paramilitary have in Colombia’s congress. As a result, since 2006, the Colombian justice has investigated more than 334 public officers for presumed links with mafias and other illegal armed groups; 21 of them have been sentenced as guilty.

Given the media industry’s constraints and governments’ power and influence (as well as that of private companies — a discussion for a future blog), media self-censorship will continue. As long as we, the public, are aware of how much this limits what is being reported, we have the opportunity to critically analyze the news and coverage in the world and in our country — and to reflect on the central role played by those who bring us the news.

 

View a webcast of the April 29, 2010, Baker Institute event, “Freedom to Report: Journalism and Politics in Latin America.”

Erika de la Garza is the program director of the Latin American Initiative at the Baker Institute. Her chief areas of interest include U.S.-Latin American relations; emerging leadership; coalition building between public, private and civil society actors; and trade and business development in Latin America.

Lisa Guáqueta is the project administrator for the Latin American Initiative at the Baker Institute. Her areas of research interest include the urban dynamics of Latin America, especially the role of cities and local governments in international issues.