Women work with Pathfinder International and the Egyptian Family Planning Association to provide comprehensive sexual and reproductive health information to young people in Egyptian governorates.
Last November, Egypt ranked last for women’s rights on the list of 22 Arab states after countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Despite their vital role in the groundbreaking Arab Spring, many Egyptian women still experience heinous violations of their rights, such as female genital mutilation and sexual violence, major factors contributing to Egypt’s low ranking. While women protesting alongside men in the streets of Cairo represented a positive departure from women’s previous lack of political engagement, ultimately, they benefitted the least from the fruits of their labor. Instead, revolts brought conflict, instability, violence and a rise in fundamentalism, with groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood coming to power.
The Muslim Brotherhood formed with the mission to spread fundamental Islamic morals and good works. Rather strategically, its good works established a grassroots base, allowing the group to penetrate the political scene. Prior to the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood provided subsidized health clinics and supplies for women and minorities, despite its bad repute amongst women’s rights activists. The Muslim Brotherhood ran 22 hospitals and had schools in every governorate in the country. A 2006 report from the Integrated Regional Information Networks, a humanitarian news agency, found that “A woman would usually pay at least U.S. $875 to give birth in a private clinic, compared to just U.S. $175 in one of Muslim Brotherhood hospitals.” Through its affordable services, the group garnered support and politically mobilized individuals throughout poor and rural populations.
However, the Muslim Brotherhood’s support for women’s reproductive health was temporary and self-motivated, just another strategy in its use of “pragmatic politics.” After the election of Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohamed Morsi in June of 2012, the group no longer went out of its way to support minorities, especially women. In power, the Brotherhood’s rigid interpretation of Sharia law emanated policies at the expense of women’s health: Article 10 of the Muslim Brotherhood’s 2013 constitution ensured society’s compliance with the “authentic nature of the Egyptian family and its morals.” Women risked losing recently acquired gains, such as protections from child marriage and female genital mutilation, criminalized by law no. 126/2008. The Brotherhood not only limited women’s rights but also condoned acts of rape as a method of intimidation at the voting polls.
Because of its poor treatment of women and adoption of an Islamist-centered constitution, the Muslim Brotherhood was eventually ousted from power in June of 2013; unfortunately, its successor, the military government, did not afford women greater health rights. Women still face serious problems, such as child marriage, genital mutilation and rape. Many human rights activists favor the more secular, military-backed government, but neither government has truly prioritized women’s concerns. It is in the nature of a regime to have its own best interest in mind; therefore, the entrenched patriarchal culture that fosters an environment that marginalizes women’s reproductive rights remains one of the primary obstacles for gender equality. Egypt’s culture, which idealizes the dominant man, has condoned the military’s atrocious virginity tests (to protect men against accusations of rape) and the Brotherhood’s 2013 constitution. Because Egypt’s oppressive sociopolitical context will not change with a change in government, the fight for women’s rights will continue to be a struggle for compromise amongst secular and religious groups.
Consequently, internal pressure from women and human rights activists will not be enough to turn the Egyptian government in support of greater reproductive rights. Women’s rights activists face an uphill battle against entrenched sociopolitical structures and must recognize the importance of compromise with Islamist groups that have great influence over Egypt’s cultural conservatism. Moreover, international pressure from governments and organizations in the EU and the United States is needed to keep the Egyptian government accountable for its human rights abuses. Such pressure can help mobilize economic resources for nonprofits that have continually supported women’s health and are vital to maintaining a constant source of reproductive health resources. For example, the New Woman Foundation in Egypt is a vocal advocate for change in the conservative Egyptian mindset, but it needs external support to operate effectively.
Ultimately, it is up to the collective strength of Egyptian women and nonprofit groups such as NWF to mobilize support for sweeping change in Egypt’s culture. However, for real change toward gender equality to happen, these groups must recognize the importance of balance between Egypt’s progressive activists and Islamist voices such as the Muslim Brotherhood. With compromise and strength in numbers, women can successfully fight the entrenched structures that limit their full access to reproductive health rights.
Sanjana Puri is an intern for the Baker Institute’s Women and Human Rights in the Middle East Program. She is a Rice University sophomore majoring in health sciences and policy studies, and her areas of interest include foreign policy, women’s rights and health.